McCone K. The Indo-European origins of the Old Irish nasal presents, subjunctives and futures

Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, 1991. — 210 p.In the present work an attempt has been made to provide a reasonably up-to-date and comprehensive review of the main approaches to each of the major topics considered. In the subjunctive and desiderative-future sphere especially the literature is so vast and the range of divergent or conflicting opinions so wide that picking one's way through the maze has proved particularly difficult and significant contributions may have escaped attention. Whereas many of the views on the nasal-infix presents expressed in chapters one to three differ quite markedly from those in the Oxford paper, the latter's conclusions about the Old Irish subjunctive formations have been broadly retained with some significant differences of detail in chapters four and five. Chapter six is concerned with a problem not touched upon in Oxford, and the main innovations in the seventh relate to the vexed question of the shape of the PIE desiderative suffix after resonants.Celtic treatment of the vocalic sonorant before and the laryngeal after the infix of PIE nasal presents ultimae laryngalis.
Irish and British evidence for the segmentation and accentuation of PIE nasal presents with stem-final laryngeal.
The Old Irish outcome of the PIE nasal presents with stem-final stop and some general conclusions.
The Old Irish s-subjunctive: originally thematic or athematic?
The origins of the Old Irish a- and the British h-subjunctives in the PIE thematic s-aorist subjunctive.
Old Irish beith, -bé, Gaulish bueti(d) and the Old Indic root-aorist subjunctive bhúvat.
The Old Irish futures and the problem of the PIE reduplicated desiderative.